The First Punjab War. Shah Mohammed's Jangnamah by P. K. Nijhawan Book Review

The First Punjab War. Shah Mohammed's Jangnamah
By P. K. Nijhawan
Singh Brothers, 2001
271 pages

Introduction

This book is an account of the first Punjab War of 1845 presented by Shah Mohammed in his famous Jangnamah, itself a separate genre of poetry influenced by Persian, ‘Jang Hind-Punjab’. The book includes the original Persian text, and a translation into Hindi and English by P.K Nijhawan.

Shah Mohammed came from the lineage of Sultan Mahmud, an artillery officer of Maharaja Ranjit Singh and was well educated. His work, ‘Jang Hind-Punjab’ is a window into the mindset of a non-Sikh Punjabi in 1846, soon after the first Punjab War. Often this war is referred to as the first Anglo-Sikh War. However, the first Punjab War is a more accurate translation of the original title. It becomes clear very early in Shah Mohammed’s work that Ranjit Singh’s regime as represented by the Khalsa Darbar had identified itself with the people of Punjab as a whole.

For a relatively a small piece of poetry it is absolutely filled with history. If you want an easy to read book that provides adequate information on quite a busy and confusing period of Sikh/Punjabi history, this book is certainly the one.

The correctness of the historical events, the balanced and unbiased nature of the account and the prophetic judgements made by the author ensure this is a first-rate historical source. In respect of its social and cultural significance, it is unsurpassed. First, it is written just after the first Anglo-Sikh war and social and political change is picked up upon, for instance, “All wealth is today garnered by the sons of moneylenders and gumashtas”. In other words, a class of commercial entrepreneurs came into existence as soon as that war was over, and the British settled down to further appropriate Punjab. Second, Mohammed is writing six years after the death of Ranjit Singh and yet is loyalty does not seem to have diminished one bit. In fact, his tone in respect of the disintegration of the Darbar is one of concern, speaking volumes for the manner within which Ranjit Singh ruled. Third, the co-existence amongst the various communities changed under the impact of colonialism due to the social and economic forces generated by the British rule. “In short, they did everything a thief does.”

The book is split into the following chapters: 1) Prologue, 2) Foreword, 3) Acknowledgements, 4) Introduction, and the largest, 5) Shah Mohammed’s Jangnamah in Gurmukhi and Persian scripts as well as a poetic rendition in English and Hindi. The appendix includes an index of places and names referred to in the Jangnamah.

Parts of the foreword have been incorporated into the above, the acknowledgements are not worth mentioning and the bulk of the chapter by chapter breakdown will focus on the prologue, introduction and a verse-by-verse breakdown of the translation of the text.

Chapter by Chapter Breakdown

Nijhawan views Sikhs as the last bastion of Hinduism, “a higher and simpler form of Hinduism, brought into being to save Dharma.” This is something challenged by Kapur in the prologue of the book and many Sikhs worldwide. However, the important take away is that the Jangnamah provides a beautiful illustration of a Punjab prior to communalism. The decision to provide a translation in Hindi and English is to try to encourage a pan-Punjab unity via the poetic descriptions of the Sarkar-i-Khalsa, impact of Ranjit Singh’s rule on Punjabi society and the ethos of a post-Ranjit Singh Punjab. The Jangnamah aptly places the blame at the feet of the British but is equally aware of the pitfalls of the Sarkar and wider Punjabi politics, that helped ensure the incursion and domination of Punjab by the British and the wider socio-economic influences unleashed as a result.

The introduction focuses on the style of poetry, the events covered by the poetry such as the six bloody years after the death of Ranjit Singh followed by the first Punjab war, the tradition of heroic poetry within India, the uniqueness of the ‘secularism’ espoused by the poetry, Punjabi nationalism, and the Sanskritic nature of the imagery used.

It is clear that the poet and his audience had reached a stage of identification with the Khalsa Darbar to such an extent that his poetry seemed to completely reflect the aspirations of Hindus and Muslims of Punjab. However, the author in one part of the introduction, to fashion a future of Punjabi nationalism, uses this to outline the idea that Sikhs had not yet distinguished themselves from the wider Hindu community. I believe this is a misreading of the text -  which refers to Singhs, Sikhs and Akalis – and a misreading of history – it makes more sense to understand Sikhi as being part of a wider Sankritic/Persianate culture, instead of a wider Hindu religion which it had clearly demarcated itself from on numerous levels.

Verse by Verse Breakdown

The Jangnamah itself is a beautiful piece of poetry consisting of 105 verses, that illustrates several social, economic, political and cultural factors of Punjab circa. 1846. More importantly, each verse is a brilliantly condensed historical account of a bloody and tumultuous period. Before continuing it is worth nothing that Jind Kaur is painted as a blood thirsty, vengeful sycophant and honour and courage in the face of certain death are recurring themes.

The first verse starts with the praise of Allah who adorns the fourteen worlds, from a modern lens is a juxtaposition of an Islamic God and a Hindu theory of the universe. The second verse focuses on the temporal nature of reality and the third verse, thanks to hindsight, is almost prophetic of the impact of the feringhee would have:

“One day as I sat in Batala; wholly lost,
The Feringhee became the subject of our talk.
Hira Lal and Nur Khan, two of my bosom friends,
Suddenly they did accost me, asking:
How in the midst of Musalmaans and Hindus, living happily together,
Had a scourge of sorts descended from nowhere?
For, O Shah Mohammed! Never in Punjab,
Was a third caste ever known to have come”

Verse four combines the temporal nature of reality outlined previously with great rulers and Kings - references are made to Egyptian Pharaohs, Shaddad (a King of the last Arabian city of Iram of the Pillars), Namrud (King of Shinar, the son of Kush, and the great grandson of Prophet Nuh) and Akbar the Great. The following verse builds upon this to illustrate the greatness of Ranjit Singh.

Verse 6 plunges us into the destruction that followed Ranjit Singh’s death - Chet Singh is put to the sword by the Kaur causing Kharak Singh great lamentations, which results in verse 7, a curse that “all the Sardars meet the same fate” apparently the reason why death became so omnipresent. Verse 8 informs us Kharak Singh drowned himself in the sorrow of his friend and died before turning to Kanwar Nau Nihal Singh who did not shed a single tear on his father’s death.

Verse 9 and 10 states that Udham Singh (son of Gulab Singh Dogra) and the Kanwar’s fate was sealed and a collapsing balcony killed Udham Singh instantly and the Kanwar almost dead. Verse 11 states Rani Chand Kaur arrived solely concerned with the state of her son – Nau Nihal – and not the slightest concerned with Kharak Singh.

Verse 12 and 13 inform that once Sher Singh had heard of the news of his brother and nephew he made his way to Batala, Chand Kaur was implementing measures to ensure Sher Singh’s death. However, Chand Kaur is betrayed and Sher Singh is warned of the plan.

Verse 14 focuses on Chand Kaur’s unclean conscience, ascension to the throne and Sher Singh’s departure from Lahore. Verse 15 outlines a dialogue regarding how to capture Sher Singh. Verse 16 illustrates that the Raja responsible to capture Sher Singh was in fact in friendly communications with him. Verse 17 to 19 focus on how Sher Singh laid siege to Lahore and imprisoned Chand Kaur, although he felt uncomfortable about it. Verse 20 shows that it is divine will that made Sher Singh King but there was no time lost - Ajit Singh Sandhawalia of Ladwa, from the Kraoria Singhia Misl, and nephew of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, was already hatching a conspiracy to kill Sher Singh.

Verse 21 fleetingly mentions that maids killed Rani Chand Kaur, without providing further context. Dhian Singh Dogra had replaced the maidservants of the Rani with hillwomen from his own country. The latter tried to kill her by poisoning her food and eventually finished her off on 11 June 1842, smashing her head with wooden pikes from the kitchen, some reports say they dropped a stone from a balcony crushing her skull. In fact, the verse focuses more on the punishment dished out by the Raja – the maids’ noses and ears are said to have been chopped off and their faces blackened.

Verse 22 is of interest, it states Ajit Singh approached with a foreign made gun to show the king to win his applause. As the Prince raised his eyes, “he pressed the trigger and let go the fire, Sher Singh gasped for life, lying on the floor. When Ajit Singh severed his head with a sword.”

Verse 23 turns to the events immediately following Sher Singh’s murder. The murder of Sher Singh’s son, Prince Pratap Singh’s at the hands of Lehna Singh Sandhawalia brother of Ajit Singh Sandhawalia.

Verse 24 focuses on the Sandhwalia brothers travelling to Lahore to challenge Dhian Singh Dogra. Verse 25 states that it was at the behest of Gurmukh Singh Giani, asking why Dhian Singh was still alive, that an orderly shot Dhian Singh Dogra and whilst he lay dying the young Prince Dalip Singh was brought in his presence.

Verse 26 continues to inform the reader that Dhian Singh Dogra’s blood was used to anoint the young Dalip’s forehead. Verse 27 states that Hira Singh Dogra, Dhian Singh Dogra’s son, described as a “fine Rajput”, fought the Sandhwalia’s and killed Ajit Singh in battle whilst Lehna Singh was caught trying to escape.

Verse 28 is another verse of interest. Sher Singh is described as a protector of the people and had he been alive, he would not have let the whole country be destroyed. Shah Mohammed goes as far to say that Sher Singh’s removal from the scene brought endless troubles in its wake and many a great warrior fell as a result. Verse 29 curses the Sandhwalias on the one hand and then also praises them for dying like warriors.

Verse 30 is apt in stating that “the rule of jungle replaced the rule of law” and “the sword was now the sole arbiter.” Verse 31 implicitly suggests that Lehna Singh Majithia, described as the epitome of wisdom, had gone on a long pilgrimage at a most crucial time.

Verse 32 is a brilliant example of Mohammed’s straight-talking nature – “Dalip Singh, the child king was no more than a dummy on the throne.” Hira Singh now wielded the real authority and was deputed by his old teacher, Pandit Jalla. Jallan is described as “a tormentor of the Panth” which in turn “destroyed his benefactor Hira Singh”. Due to this, in verse 33, the Singhs petitioned Suchet Singh Dogra to remove the Pandit. In verse 34, Suchet Singh leaves with twenty-two handpicked soldiers and reached Lahore. Verse 35 describes how Suchet Singh’s nephew, Hira Singh placated his army and as a result they requested Suchet Singh to return, who stated he could not do such a thing as he would be teased and taunted to no end.

Verse 36 describes the valour of the fight between Suchet Singh against Hira Singh. Nonetheless, the Singhs, in verse 37, were fed up with Pandit Jalla and, “each unit of army Panchayat summoned its meeting.” Verse 38 describes Hira Singh as having dug his own grave and met his end, along with Pandit Jalla, at the hands of the Singhs, who then, in verse 38, elevated Jawahar Singh, the brother of Jind Kaur, to Prime Ministership and then brought Gulab Singh to Lahore in chains.

Verse 40 and 41 helps to make sense of the proceeding verses by outlining how now whoever sat on the throne had to be the puppet of Majhails and mercenaries and that “no leash held the Singhs in check.”

Verse 42 turns to Jawahar Singh’s end which is described quite graphicly. All of the remaining verses mainly focus on the sorrow of Jind Kaur (wife of Ranjit Singh), verse 43 and Jind Kaur’s deliberation of seeking the help of the Feringhee to smash and smother the evil men (who had killed her brother), verse 44.

Verse 45 is ironically prophetic. “Their corpses shall rot in the foreign lands” is declared by Jind Kaur and yet she and her own children ended up buried in foreign lands. Verse 46 paints Jind Kaur as a daughter of Punjab and re-emphasises the revenge Jind Kaur wished to unleash in response of her brother’s murder.

This results in a secret message to the Feringhee, in verse 47, outlining that Jind Kaur was happy to sacrifice her own domain in return for the Feringhee smashing the brains out of the skulls of the army. The army that Jind Kaur was ordered to march into Feringhee territory. It seems unlikely Jind Kaur was so utterly blinded by her blood thirst that she wished to relinquish power and Punjab for the destruction of the army. However, verse 48 outlines the instructions provided by Jind Kaur to the Feringhee, how she had provided dissention among the ranks all in a bid to settle her personal quarrels.

Verse 49 and 50 is the British response – they were ready to fight the Singhs and made their way from London. Verse 51 outlines the French instructions and how the Feringhee was coming from all directions.

Verse 52 is the showdown. The army is ordered by Jind Kaur to move out. In verse 53, the entire Panth is addressed and requested to return victorious. In verse 54 it is admitted that, “the Singhs could not understand the devious game, that the mai was out to play in order to destroy them.”

Verse 55 is another verse that portrays the wider Sanskritic culture of Punjab – “everything is in the hands of God alone; Some God grants victory and some the shame of defeat. With one lakh sons and one-and-a-quarter lakh grandsons. Even the invincible Ravana got killed when betrayed by an insider.”

In a similar fashion, verse 56, outlines how the army agreed to fight and kill the Feringhee, in the same way they had not spared the venerable Bhai Bir Singh, and then march into Delhi. Verse 57 outlines how the army would ensure the forfeiture of the belongings of the Feringhees and bring the Feringhee women in chains. Verse 58 paints a vivid image of the mixture of young and old who took up their arms against the Feringhee.

“Sons of Sardars, bubbling with youth and enthusiasm, emerged as the lion-cubs shoot forth from their dens.”

Verse 59 states Sham Singh moved out from the headquarters, followed by the Jallawalias, Rajput kings, majhails, doabias and “the fearsome Akal Regiment”. Verse 60 highlights all of the Muslim gunners – Mahmud Ali from Majha with his artillery pieces, the brigade of Sultan Mahmud with invincible Imam Shahi guns and Elahi Bakshi who brought out his guns after polishing them, and worshipping them with incense sticks.

Verse 61 and 62 are explicit in the Punjabi response to the approach of the Feringhee. “On the hearing the news of the Feringhee coming, not one stayed behind. The two rivers could not slow their progress. Now certain it was that not a few heads would roll on either side. None was so coward as to run away from action.”

Verse 63 indicates that this Punjabi response was not just a result of the Feringhee approach. It had been influenced by knowledge of the battles the Feringhee had fought in Delhi, Agra, Hansi, Hissar, Bikaner, Lucknow, Ajmer and Jaipur and how they had rocked Hindustan.

Verse 64 states the Feringhee sent a letter to the army probing why they had decided to stoke the dying embers? The reply, in verse 65, states “we are sworn to kill you in open battle. We look with disdain at the money you offer us – even if it be a whole mountain piled up before us.” Verse 66 outlines how the leaders of the platoons wrote to the ranks preparing them for the eventual offensive. Verse 67 offers an outline of the measures taken and the alcohol consumed by the Feringhee before engaging in battle.

The battle of Mudki is mentioned in verse 68. “The freshly-recruited Akali horsemen had just planted their flags in the battlefield, when the Feringhee guns started booming and the bones and flesh of the warriors began to fall apart. The Singhs had to beat a retreat, leaving behind their guns for the enemy to capture.” In verse 69 and 70, the army awaits Teja Singh before launching a frontal offensive which results, in verse 71, with London being filled with widows that day.

Verse 72 outlines how the British regrouped and rallied their forces by stating, “the Singhs have destroyed everything before them. They’ve not even spared Hindustani units, whether from South or East. The British Isles are full of sorrow today.” Before launching their offensive in verse 73 and the events of the battlefield in verse 74.

Verse 75 introduces Pahara Singh Brar, who gave intelligence to the Feringhee, “for, he bore enmity to the Singhs.” Once again the wider Sanskritic culture comes out in verse 76 for the battle is epitomised in to the following simile, “The fire balls started to rain afresh. Huge smoke clouds billowed as structures clattered and creaked. Twas like the Kauravas and Pandavas releasing their arrows.”

Verse 77 seems to offer a reason as to why the Feringhee was victorious. “When the fear had gripped them, in hushed tones did the young and inexperienced cavalryman talk: ‘Now that Feringhees have beaten us hollow, why not make good our escape at midnight? Had we taken to farming, we would’ve had enough to eat. After all, whose sons are we but farmers? We’ve land and irrigation wells, now with gusto we shall plough the fields again.”

Verse 78 describes the British as Jinns and verse 79 encapsulates the mood of Punjab. “We had set out from our homes to kill the Feringhee. But in the bargain lost our own cannon. We disturbed the hornet’s nest to get into trouble. Not only did we lose the battle but also the honour. We’ve lost the city we lived in happily, we ourselves handed over its keys to the enemy. Everywhere the people tease and taunt us: ‘Singh Ji, what a great victory you have won!’”

It is perhaps this that leads to verse 80 where the Sardars, who we are told are the only remaining recruits left in verse 81, are requested to firmly unit again for battle. Verse 82 introduces Sardar Ranjodh Singh Majithia who “burnt down the Feringhee encampment” at Ludhiana and fought the British at Aliwal and Badowal in 1846, with the assistance of Mewa Singh, who is introduced in verse 83, along with the looting of the Feringhee in verse 84. Verse 85 outlines the Feringhee’s renewed offensive and shock at the speed at which the Feringhee covered sixty miles in one night, the onslaught unleashed upon the Singhs before their retreat in verse 86 and 87.

Verse 88 outlines a recurring theme, in the face of all of this “we shall die here, fighting so that the cause of Punjab remains undefeated.” A third offensive of the Feringhee occurring in verse 89.

Verse 90 outlines the Punjabi defence. “Both Mewa Singh and Maghe Khan took them head on” and “Sham Singh, the honourable Sardar of Atari, was resplendent in the battlefield despite his years.” Verse 91 is quite bitter-sweet. Teja Singh had destroyed the bridge behind the Punjab forces. They had no retreat. It was death or victory. “They could only die and earn martyrdom, unmindful of what happened to their lives.”

Mohammed takes a pause in verse 92 to make it clear he is aware that the battle for Hind and Punjab now raged furiously and the bravery of the forces would have been valued by the Sarkar, had he been alive today.

This questioning continues in verse 93. Mohammed asks, “why did we join the army, just on the advice and prompting of friends? Pray, God never bring us back to fight the Feringhee.” This is supported in verse 94 where Mohammed outlines the pitfalls of war – how mothers had lost sons, sisters had lost brothers, wives had lost husbands and many children had been made orphans.

It is at this point, in verse 95, where Jind Kaur is said to have requested the Feringhee to “not take a minute longer.” Verse 96 outlines the Feringhee effort to rebuild the bridge, how the plundered the countryside once crossing the bridge and how they were greeted with presents by the Pathans.

Verse 97 is sketches how Raja Gulab Singh Dogra had paid obeisance to the Feringhee, “by saying such meek words, he was serving none other than himself.” The events described being condensed succinctly in the last line of verse 98, “In short, they did everything a thief does.”

Verse 99 outlines how Jind Kaur had been successful in sacking Punjab and the country now passed into the hands of Company functionaries. Verse 100 emphasising the former verse – “Thus in no time avenging herself of her brother’s assassination. She had her courtiers downgraded as well, throwing away the army into the floods of the river.”

Verse 101 is melancholy in its tone. “Only after the event, the truth dawned upon the Singhs, of what deadly stuff was the Mai made, she pursued the revenge to the bitterest end. Even then she didn’t let us retire to the peace of our homes.”

Verse 102 goes as far as blaming women, connecting this to “why Rama lost his sway” and how “the Kauravas and Pandavas suffered too.”

Verse 103 returns to the theme of commonality in Punjab and how, “None should ever dare break this common silken bond,” and how the change ensured that, “all wealth is today garnered by sons of moneylenders and gumashtas [Indian agent of the British East India Company] in the main.”

Shah Mohammed comes to a tearful conclusion in verses 104 and 105. “This entire sad drama, with my eyes, I’ve seen. But who knows what’s in the future?”

Conclusion & Rating

Shah Mohammed’s work is one of the few works that provide historical fact so beautifully entwined with poetry. The original work itself is superb and the translation opens it up to a far wider readership. I would give the book a 5 out of 5 star rating as the insight Shah Mohammed provides into a particular poignant time is priceless, particularly, when other poets and patrons of the arts were selling their dues to the highest bidder. 

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